Why Bibi was good for the Jews, after all
By Doron Rosenblum (haAretz - 20-06-99)
The twilight of the Netanyahu episode (or, more accurately,
the "Netanyahu experience") is for the moment characterized by one thing,
which everyone, supporters and adversaries alike, seem to agree on: the
total absence of any sort of desire to see, write, hear or read another word
about that person. For one of the reasons for his fall and removal (as even
his doppelganger, Finkelstein, finally grasped) was the situation of
intolerable satiation: no one could bear for even one more minute the
appearances of this unrestrained television and radio figure who
appropriated the entire media and filled it for three years without letup -
and then doubled and tripled the frequency of his appearances just as it
became obvious that they were counterproductive.
At the same time, because "the press is the first draft of history,"
we are entrusted with the unpleasant, ungrateful duty of biting our lips and
rushing into the breach one more time - the last, it's to be hoped - and
endeavoring to cast a panoramic glance over the outgoing era; for in
retrospect, from the vantage point of history, it could turn out,
ironically, that the slogan "Bibi is good for the Jews" - and even more,
that Bibi was good for those he despised, the Israelis - was correct.
He broke the "paralyzing political stalemate," shattered the Greater
Israel Front and idea, detached the Likud from the "not one inch" principle,
established the Palestinian state, and in the long run may have advanced the
peace process more than any of his predecessors
I was told recently by the historian, educator, researcher and Heine
translator, the dear personality of fourscore years, Dr. Yehuda Ilan-Gavoha,
"As a clear-eyed, rational historian, I am now standing for the first time,
thrilled, before the mystical and the unknown ... What is there to say? In
retrospect we have to admit that this Lubavitcher was really right and
foresaw what would happen: Bibi really was good for the Jews!... Let's just
for a moment try to conjure up a Bibi-less situation. We can only imagine
what would have happened if the 'enlightened right' had been elected to rule
the Likud - that set of 'sane' and 'decent' chaps: Meridor, Uzi Landau,
Benny Begin, Sheetrit... In that case we might have been stuck forever with
the Likud and with Greater Israel... Only Bibi was capable of coming out of
nowhere, infuriating everyone, uniting all his foes domestic and foreign,
activating all the enemies of the idea he supposedly advocates and sending
them to the polling stations as one person ... The man is simply God's
messenger! Well, the fact is he concluded his mission - and went home."
Indeed, if the dynamics of Israeli politics can be likened to the
movement of a pendulum that oscillates lethargically between the "right"
pole and the "left" pole, it really is difficult to imagine anyone else
apart from Netanyahu who could have thrust it so powerfully to the opposite
side. Looking back, the man looks like the wet dream of "the left," like a
brilliant invention of Ehud Barak's. More than any of his predecessors, he
revived and consolidated the old elites
In the same way that "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion" incited
against the Jews but also built up their image as a prodigious,
world-embracing force, Netanyahu's systematic instigation against "the
elites" in Israel succeeded in conferring on them status, influence and
power such as they had never known.
To be sure, there was a core of truth in Netanyahu's description of
the uniformity of thought and temperament, the conceptual rigidity, the
group pressures and the inertia that typify Israel's academic and
intellectual community; and a core of truth, to be equally sure, in what he
and his cronies had to say about the judicial system and the media; and "the
left" surely has its narcissistic absurdities; assuredly, the list could be
extended. Perhaps if these observations had been couched in other terms or
been voiced by someone else - possessed of a bit less impulse and arrogance,
a little less exaggeration and paranoia, a pinch less demagogy and loathing
- people might have listened and even agreed. But man is instinctual and
Netanyahu was ruled by his base instincts: it was all done with wild
hyperbole, hysteria, overkill.
No dramaturgic genius could have invented his last
"great-balls-of-fire" utterance - "They're afraid! They're aff-rr-aid!" -
since it was obvious that he himself was the one who was aff-rr-aid, like a
boy whistling in the dark. And of whom? Typically, the "they" remained
hovering, conundrum-like, in the air, not entirely resolved: Who was he
actually talking about? Who were the "they"? Those "elites"? Maybe the
media? Academia? The judicial system? The police? The army high command? One
thing is clear: at the conclusion of Netanyahu's term of office those bodies
have never looked more powerful - all of them together and each by itself.
He made a major contribution toward strengthening the media
If serious fears existed about the status and clout of the
established media in the era of decentralization, multiple channels,
satellite dishes, open skies and the Internet - along came Netanyahu and
reversed these trends: never has the media flourished as much as it did
during his premiership. Never before did the least of the anchors, on the
most trivial of shows, hear their names mentioned so many times by a prime
minister; never before were such piddlingly inconsequential texts so
assiduously magic-markered as they were in Netanyahu's bureau, or obtain
such prominence by being cited at such a high level on a daily basis; never
were media and entertainment personalities as important as they were during
the tenure of the prime minister who, instead of dealing with peace-shmeace,
policy-shmolicy, seemed a lot more preoccupied with questions like: Who is
whispering what into whose ear, what is the best camera angle and when is
the commercial break.
Thus Netanyahu conferred on "the media" power and prestige such as
it never had before in Israel - not only by means of the attention he paid
to it, the obsessive daily interest and the endless excoriations, which
became his almost exclusive agenda - but also in terms of the quantities of
tricks, spins, shticks and the sheer amount of "spots," "air time" and
"sound bites" he supplied. It's not surprising that the media, particularly
of the electronic variety, is now experiencing agonizing withdrawal
symptoms. Without its "pusher," the media has come down from its permanent
high and more or less reverted to its natural place.
Terrorism really declined
Let his adversaries twist and turn, philosophize and explain that
Netanyahu reaped the fruits planted by his predecessors; that the defense
establishment did the work; that without a peace process there was no more
reason for terrorism; that it was plain luck; or that in fact there were
terrorist attacks during the Netanyahu years. But one thing they can't take
from him: he hacked out his political path by taking up the machete of the
war against terrorism, he was elected primarily on a ticket of ending
terrorism, and during his term of office there was less terrorism. Period.
He matured us
Even though Netanyahu behaved and acted like an elderly Revisionist,
and even though some of his hard-core supporters - his peers and even older
- called out to him with Likudnik inertia, "You are our father," Netanyahu
was in fact the first prime minister who was younger than the state, the
first who was able to present a living mother and father, and the first who
by his behavior punctured the mystique that always enveloped the high office
of the premiership. As such, he made an important contribution to
normalization: he dissociated the leadership in Israel from its
paternalistic or maternalistic syndrome. No more will we get prime ministers
who are half-patriarchs and half-nannies; no more "uniques in their
generation"; no more know-it-all "giants"; no more "greats" whose
understanding transcends ours; even no more chaver. From now on we will have
PMs who are one of the people, for good or for ill; short-term functionaries
who are traded on the stock market and judged by their performance, no more.
If they deliver, they will be re-elected; if they don't, they won't.
He demonstrated the resilience of the Israeli system of checks and
balances
Until not long ago it seemed that no power on earth (even under the
previous electoral system) could remove from office an Israeli prime
minister who simply - because of personality structure, illness or any other
personal reason - was unsuited for the position. We have already known sick,
eccentric or exotically inexplicable prime ministers who went on ruling for
one term after another, without any serious challenge. Sometimes it seemed
as though even someone clinically dead could go on serving as our PM, if
only he enlisted the aid of a good spokesman.
The system of the direct election of the prime minister only
heightened such fears. Until, that is, the advent of Netanyahu, who
succeeded in demonstrating that the Israeli political system - patchwork,
makeshift, unformed - is, despite everything, capable of organizing in order
to topple and eject a leader who exceeds a certain level of behavioral
acceptability. If it took America six years to grasp the nature of Richard
Nixon's presidency and terminate it, we did the same in only half the time
and in less than one full term of office.
Furthermore, as shown by the affair of Orient House - which almost
ended Netanyahu's term with the same kind of big bang with which it began:
the "Western Wall tunnel" episode - the unofficial, improvised system of
balances also functions at the level of ongoing actions: only a personality
like Netanyahu could have activated the system of checks and balances and
set off alarm bells in every direction, from the army to the judicial
system, averting a disastrous imbroglio at the last minute. Such vigilance,
such finely attuned alertness by the entire system would not, of course,
have existed if the prime minister had been perceived by the public as
responsible and judicious. So here, too - for exemplifying the resilience
acquired by the system, which survived him - kudos to Netanyahu.
He succeeded in toppling Netanyahu
And no one could have done it "better, faster, more cheaply" (as he
described "the peace treaty I will obtain" on the eve of the previous
elections) than he did himself.